The fragmented history of Irish emigration to
Peru makes it difficult to follow its evolution
chronologically. However, when tracing
Irish presence in Peru it can be shown that, although Irish
immigration was not numerically large in comparison to that
of other communities, it is possible to personalize Irish
immigration by focusing on individuals who were important in
the history of Peru.
Ambrose O’Higgins (c. 1721-1801) became Viceroy of Peru in
1795. His son, Bernardo O’Higgins Riquelme, was a major
player for Chilean independence. It is worth pointing out
that the Irish were represented both in the Colonial period
and at the beginning of the Republican era. Another
important figure was Henry Hilton Leigh, a native of County
Wexford, who, together with his brother John, immigrated to
Chile in 1853, and subsequently to Paita, Peru, in 1855.
Initially he worked for an English firm, later opening his
own business, H. H. Leigh and Company. Leigh became both the
first person to export cotton from Piura to Europe as well
as the first to establish a cotton press in the region. A
model of the successful Irish immigrant was William Grace,
who may be seen as one of those who brought about the
inclusion of Peru into world capitalism. 
exist personal stories of successful Irish immigrants, such
as those mentioned above, Irish immigration never meant
‘making one’s fortune in America’. On the contrary, it was
a search for survival. Six million Europeans left
their homes in nineteenth century Europe; one million of
these were Irish. There was a big surge in Irish emigration
in the mid to late1840s, as many fled the potato famine
mainly to the USA, Canada and Australia. Some Irish
emigrants settled in Latin
America in what was a more organised form of emigration. The
numbers started to increase from the1820s onwards.
Argentina received the greatest number of immigrants,
followed by Brazil, Chile and Uruguay. Fewer immigrants went
to Peru. The numbers were lower as a result of Peru's
limited incentives for immigration—in contrast with
Argentina’s policy, based as it was on Domingo F.
There was also political instability (the Pacific War/Guerra
del Pacífico, for example, between 1879 and 1884) as
well as a lack of a coherent national immigration policy .
The present article maintains that Irish
immigration to Peru around the middle of the nineteenth
century illustrates the effects that the expansion of world
capitalism could have on the individual Irish emigrant. The
entry of Irish immigrants into different socio-economic
strata in Peru is examined within the context of the
modernization process that began around the mid-nineteenth
century. It might be suggested that Irish immigration to
Peru is not a homogenizing process, but rather the opposite.
Differences within the originating country were reproduced
in Peru, thus creating both the entrepreneurial immigrant
who helped consolidate the Peruvian bourgeoisie, and the
migrant labourer immigrant who came to form part of the
Peruvian working class. Following the line of thought of
Etienne Balibar (1991), it could be said that the social
basis of capitalism was responsible for a division of labour
even among Irish immigrants. Further, social polarization
brought about the formation of opposing classes whose
‘common’ interests diminished notably.
The historical period in question coincides
with the reshaping of the world economy by the Industrial
Revolution and capitalist expansion. Within the Peruvian
context, the abolition of slavery decreed by Marshal Ramón
Castilla in the middle of the nineteenth century was seen as
a threat, given Perú’s
lack of an agricultural labour force. As a result, many
landowners saw the recruitment of immigrants as offering a
cheap alternative supply of workers. The first influx of
Asian immigrants in 1849 is a good example of this immigrant
labour force. These immigrants worked under semi-slavery
conditions in both the sugar plantations and on the guano
islands off the Chincha and Ica coasts.
While the process of industrialisation was
commencing in Europe (mainly in England), Latin America
became an important supplier of natural resources (for
example guano, rubber, sugar and cotton) and it was mainly
foreign traders who began to take control of
economic activities. By the early decades of the twentieth
century, as David Hollett mentions in his book, More
Precious than Gold (2008), Great Britain was the
owner of the central railway created by Henry Meiggs.
Moreover, the Italian Bank in Lima managed fifty per cent of
all financial activities, and Italians were in total control
of the postal service. In addition, Casa Grande, one of
most important sugar companies, was in the hands of the
German family Gildemeister. W.R. Grace and H.H Leigh were
active participants in this commerce. Therefore, it can be
said that some European immigrants were beginning to take
different economic sectors.
While the Italians, Germans and Britons were in
for economic purposes during the nineteenth century, many of
the Irish immigrants were fleeing adverse circumstances.
In pre-famine years the Irish peasantry lived
in abject poverty. This situation grew worse with the
failure of the potato crop and consequent famine
(1845-1855). The causes of the famine and what might have
been done to prevent it have been widely discussed. Areas of
debate include the gross indifference of the English
government, opportunities offered by science to combat the
phytophthora fungus, and the English government’s
insistence on controlling grain exports that might have
relieved the hunger of the peasantry. While most Irish
emigrated to the U.S., Canada, Argentina and Australia,
was also a destination, although on a smaller scale.
Sporadic projects offered incentives for Irish emigration to
The lack of studies concerning Irish
immigration to Peru makes it difficult to carry out a
detailed statistical analysis of the Irish population in
that country. However, using the list of deaths of Irish
people obtained by the Asociación del Cementerio
Británico del Callao (this lists three hundred and three
burials), it has been possible to put together statistics
which provide a better picture of the Irish immigrant. In
this framework the tables below offer details of principal
causes of death, age at decease, together with the most
representative Irish surnames.
Table No. 1 – Most significant causes of
death among Irish immigrants.
Cause of Death
Accidents (falling into a ship’s hold)
Association of the British Cemetery of
*The year 1868 reported deaths from an
epidemic of yellow fever.
Table No. 2 – Age at Death
||Number of Deceased
0 - 2 years
2 - 19 years
20 - 29 years
30 - 39 years
40 - 49 years
50 - 59 years
60 - 69 years
70 - 79 years
80 - 89 years
Association of the British Cemetery of
Table No. 3 – Representative sample of Irish
Association of the British Cemetery of
It is important to point out that of the three hundred and
three deaths, seventy per cent were male and thirty per cent
were female. These figures could suggest a greater wave of
male immigrants. However, the presence of Irish women made
endogamous marriages possible and served to preserve an
Irish community. For example, Tomas J. McEvoy, a native of
County Kilkenny married Marta Feeley of Arlas, Queen’s
County (Lima, September 1855). Enrique Feeley, a native of
Queen’s County (now County
married Ana Derby, also from Queen’s County (Lima, January
1859) and Santiago (James) Grahan, from Killaban, Queen’s
County, married Ana Feeley born in Arlas, Queen’s County
(Lima October 1859). In fact, just as we have seen from
these marriage certificates, many Irish immigrants met in
their native land as well as during the journey to
For example, one of the witnesses to the marriage of
Santiago Grahan and Ana Feeley stated that he met the couple
‘in their own country, and because of the friendship he had
with both of them they also made the journey [to
together’. In this light, one may suggest that endogamous
marriages served not only to continue cultural traditions on
the private and personal level, but also to facilitate the
process of adaption and integration into a completely
Although the Irish presence in
is far from being a mass immigration, this investigation can
postulate three important
attempts into this Latin American
Firstly, in 1851, James Grace (a small Irish landowner)
recruited unskilled Irish labour to work for the Scottish
(or possibly Irish) sailor and doctor John Gallagher. The
latter had settled in
around 1840. Three hundred and twenty Irish, hired by
Gallagher according to Eduardo Salazar, arrived to work his
estates at La Legua, Villegas and Valverde de Callao.
Although it is believed that this project did not work out,
there are indications that some Irish immigrants did indeed
work on Gallagher’s estate. For example, Santiago Bordan,
witness to the marriage of Santiago Gahan and Ana Feeley in
1858, identified himself as an Irish farmer who was a
resident of the Villegas holding. However, the community of
Irish workers began to disperse. Some established themselves
many died of dysentery, and others travelled on to
James Grace returned to Ireland but his son, William Russell
Grace, settled in
for a while. He grew apart from the community of Irish
immigrants and associated himself with John Bryce, a
Scotsman. Grace subsequently opened one of the most
important and dynamic commercial companies
amassing a large fortune. Years later, he travelled to the
United States and established himself there, becoming an
important Pan-American businessman. W.R. Grace even came to
occupy political positions in the United States, such as
Mayor of New York in 1881 for example.
It could be suggested that his privileged position
(education and work experience in England and the United
States) as much as his marriage to Lillius Gilchrist, the
daughter of the North American businessman George Gilchrist,
facilitated not only the consolidation of his fortune but
also granted him access to North American political circles.
The second attempt to attract Irish immigrants was in 1859.
The official daily newspaper El Peruano, dated 27
August 1859, mentions the following: ‘Colonists. The
proposal by Dr. Eduardo Cullen for the introduction of
25,000 Irish immigrants has been approved’ (El Peruano
1859: 19, 69). This project failed as the English
government would not permit Irish immigrants to leave (at
the time they were English subjects). Though the motives
behind the opposition of the English government are not
mentioned, it could be suggested that the lack of an
organized immigration policy provides, among others, a
reason why the project presented by Cullen did not proceed.
Various concessions had already been made to bring in
immigrants besides the Irish colonists. For example, writing
about German immigration, Alfredo Sacchetti argues that ‘in
1851 more than a thousand German colonists had arrived in
who, like the Irish, were soon reduced to the most horrible
poverty’. Sacchetti also adds that ‘this endeavour, although
fundamentally based on land ownership, faced difficulty from
the outset. The Peruvian government had to provide relief to
the colony for three years of one hundred pesos per month,
until 1860, when with the increased harvest of rice, sugar,
coffee and cereals, Congress was able to cut this subsidy’.
A third attempt to attract Irish immigrants came about in
1919. According to Eduardo Salazar, the government of
Augusto B. Leguía (first term in office 1908-1912, second
term 1919-1930) brought in one hundred Irish colonists, but
these ended up returning home when they failed to find work.
Faced with the lack of an
organized Peruvian labour plan, the Irish immigrant was a
victim of his native country as much as of the
socio-economic system of the host country. Therefore, the
Irish immigrant who settled in
(without any apparent hope or desire to return) became a
type of migrant worker.
Following the words of Giovanni Bonfiglio Volpe, we can
summarize that ‘the lack of state support (shortage of roads
and land in coastal areas) and, on the other hand, the
non-acceptance by European workers of the near servile
working conditions that dominated the coastal estates’ (Bonfiglio
1987: 34) were some of the reasons that inhibited any major
Irish presence in
Reconstructing the Irish Experience Through
This research has led to a reconstruction of the Irish
immigrants’ memories through family histories. In studying
the personal archives of the Peruvian Admiral Frank Boyle
Alvarado and examining private correspondence of immigrants
and the children of Irish immigrants (the first generation
born in Peru), the following ideas arise. Firstly, it should
be pointed out that this is assisted immigration; that is to
say, the outbound voyage was subsidized and there were
promises of employment opportunities. However, once Irish
immigrants arrived in Peru, they often had to find work on
their own, basically becoming part of the working class.
According to documents obtained through Boyle Alvarado, for
example, the Irish immigrant Tomás J. McEvoy (born in
Kilkenny, Ireland, 1832, died of influenza in Callao, Peru
1892) arrived in Peru in 1853 and worked as a mechanic and
carpenter on the railroads in the cities of Callao (Lima),
Tarma (Junín), Lambayeque y La Libertad.
Additionally, the immigrant William Boyle O’Lavel (born in
Armagh, Ireland in 1857, died in Callao 1912) arrived
already possessing experience in railroad construction,
having worked as a mechanical engineer and a train driver.
According to Boyle’s employment record, he worked for one
year (1906-1907) as a locomotive engineer in Cerro de
Pasco Railway Co. in the Sierra Central in Peru.
At the same time, it should be noted that the movement of
the immigrant workforce developed both internally in Peru
and throughout the region. For example, Carlos Víctor
(Charles) McEvoy Feeley (born in Lambayeque, Perú in 1873,
product of an endogenic marriage and first generation Irish
born in Peru) followed the movement patterns of the migrant
workforce. His involvement in the construction of the Panama
Canal, opened in 1914, is substantiated by the following
postcard which was sent to his wife in Lima on 11 August
1911. Referring to the image on the postcard, McEvoy writes,‘this
dredging boat is from when the French were here; it is being
used in Gatun, Panama and as you can see, it’s very pretty.
Kisses. C. McEvoy’.
The incorporation of first-generation Irish into the
workforce provides an example of the transfer of
pre-existing skills developed in their homeland. On the
other hand, it shows the limited social mobility between the
two generations of Irish immigrants. For this reason, it may
be suggested that Irish immigration shows horizontal social
progression rather than vertical, particularly in the first
generations. That is to say, leaving home did not enable the
immigrants to improve their economic circumstances, by
obtaining land and becoming wealthy, in the most optimistic
scenario, since there is evidence of a certain social
determination at work between the generations. Nevertheless,
it can be pointed out that there was a group of immigrants (characterised
by William R. Grace or Henry Hilton Leigh), who lived at the
top rank of the economy, that of capital penetration and the
accumulation of wealth. For other marginal groups,
integration into Peruvian society meant joining the Third
World. Thus, the Irish case highlights the duality of the
capitalist system: enrichment of a select few and cheap
labour provided by the many.
Reconstructing the personal memory of Irish immigrants
serves to mark the socio-economic situation in Peru. Indeed,
during the period after the war between Peru and Chile
(1879-1884) the economic crisis in Peru worsened due to
increased levels of government debt, the loss of territory
and of vital natural resources (sodium nitrate or saltpetre).
The suspension of construction consequently gave rise to
increased unemployment in Peru, particularly within the
working class. Hence Irish immigrants took advantage of
connections based on shared ethnic backgrounds in order to
find work in Latin America. For example, John Francis
(a smelter by trade) sent a letter to John Lee looking for
work in Chile. Lee replied:
Iquique, 6th August, 1894
Mr. John Donohue
I received your welcome letter on the 5th
August by which you wanted to
know how the foundry business was here as you
wanted a job.
I am very sorry I can’t do anything for you
at present as the Morro Foundry
is closed down since the end of July.
As for the Railway shop at the Puntilla they
are not doing much for times are very
bad in this Province at the present time.
If you come down to Iquique you are quite
welcome to my house Calle Bulnes
No. 3 esquina Anibal Pinto.
and Spanish immigrants assisted one another through their
support organisations. These bodies aided the integration of
immigrants into society by helping them to find work and by
providing them with financial and medical support. It would
appear that there were no such mutual aid organisations for
Irish immigrants. Yet ethnic solidarity among Irish
immigrants did exist, and aided them in finding the means to
survive within Latin American society. In spite of Lee’s
disappointing news, Donohue O’Kelly emigrated to Pisagua,
Chile with his family at the end of 1896. A newspaper notice
even appeared that served as both a farewell from the family
and an announcement of the closure of the primary school
which his daughter, Sara Donohue Grotrian, had run:
Carmen G. de Donohue and family wish to bid
their many friends a personal farewell, in the light of
their imminent departure, and advise them to forward their
orders to Pisagua, where they will be happy to fulfill them.
Callao, 20 November 1896
In compliance with her obligation, the
undersigned publicly announces the closure of her primary
school, located at calle de Mejico No. 85, due to her
departing for Pisagua. She invites orders from parents and
others who have honoured her with their friendship and
Callao 30 November 1896
oral family tradition, Donohue O’Kelly died in the city of
Antofagasta (apparently a suicide) and his wife and children
returned to Peru in 1898. They lived for a while in Callao
and later moved to the port of Pisco (Ica). The following
letter written by Donohue’s widow, Carmen Grotrian (an
Ecuadorian of German ancestry) shows the activity of those
female immigrants who forced their way into the employment
market in the face of extreme survival situations. Further,
it demonstrates their fighting spirit when faced with
difficult economic circumstances. In the hope of persuading
her daughters, Carmen Grotrian describes the advantages of
working as a teacher in the town of Pisco (Ica):
Miss Sara Donohue
Lima, 8 March 1899
I am writing to you to tell you the news
about the school in Pisco. It seems positive to me. I went
with Elena and spoke to Mr Elías. He was very kind to us and
told us that he would do all he could to help us. The wage
is 60 soles with a house and milk. He will provide us with
coal. There is a little garden and the town is nice. You
would have to teach 80 children. Mr Elías only wants you to
teach them to read, write, count and be good Christians. You
see, you don’t need to worry. Apart from us being able to
eat at mid-day in the school, he told me that we could save
half of the wages because things are very cheap and the
people are generous. My darling, this could be the gift that
God that has been keeping for us, for all the
disappointments that you have suffered so patiently. As soon
as you receive this, contact me immediately to let me know
if you are agreeable. The journey would be after Easter, so
there is time to get ready. I really want you to take baths
so that you are strong for the journey which lasts a whole
day. Hoping that you stay well, your loving mother says
goodbye and blesses you.
Carmen G. V de Donohue
Florita sends her thoughts and those of her
brothers and sisters. Excuse my handwriting, I cannot see well. It’s only a mother’s love has made me write to you.
The correspondence between mother and
daughter shows a mixture of emotions on the part of Carmen
G. V. de Donohue, who has to go back to rebuild her life in
Peru following the disappearance of her husband. She is the
widow who negotiates her daughters’ working conditions with
Elías (owner of the Hacienda Hoja Redonda Estate in
Chincha, Peru and guano contractor). Work as a teacher is
the traditional role designated for working women in the
nineteenth century. Additionally, it shows a slight
improvement in the socio-economic status of the following
generation, which consequently gave rise to their leaving
the working classes to which many of the Irish descendents
in Peru belonged. Following her death in 1923, María Elena
Donohue Grotrian was described as an ‘outstanding and
intelligent teacher’. To sum up, while this letter can be
read as literary correspondence which breaks the nineteenth
century stereotype of the passive female, it also outlines
the tradition role of the mother, trying to comfort her
daughter during a time of difficulty.
The various types of correspondence analyzed
here refer to different historical periods and were also
written under dissimilar circumstances; however, the common
theme is the constant search for work. The Irish immigrants
who appear as railroad workers, construction workers on the
Panama Canal or even teachers or tutors on the estate of
Peruvian landowners, exemplify the economic instability of
Irish immigrants during this period, a time which saw a
surge in the export of raw materials by large corporations
under foreign management. When the voices of marginalized
immigrants are heard, they demonstrate the legacy of Irish
immigrants in the construction of modern Latin American
society, especially in Peru. The importance of this
correspondence lies in the fact that it gives an insight
into the ordinary lives of these Irish immigrants and the
difficulties they faced upon arriving in a foreign country.
Although highlighting the marginality of the immigrants may
not resolve other historical and social difficulties, the
perspective of the minority demonstrates the ambiguities in
the story of Irish immigration.
This article has allowed the author to map
the Irish immigration experience from both the perspective
of the working class and that of the entrepreneurial class.
As has been shown, immigrants were vulnerable to the false
hopes that characterized the ‘century of exile and
immigration’. The difficulty in adjusting to Peruvian
society, a completely unfamiliar culture, one probably
idealized during a time of hunger and hardship has been
discussed. Peru was the hope of a small group of Irish
immigrants, many of whom were left to their fate following
their arrival to their new country. Limited transport
facilities and their own economic situation made it
impossible for them to look back or return to their
homeland. Thus they accepted their fate and the few
opportunities that the South American continent could offer
them. In many instances they started families. Although they
were only a small community of immigrants, they integrated
with great ease into Peruvian society.
This study has attempted to demonstrate that
the famous saying ‘from rags to riches’, is nothing more
than a myth that masks the inequalities that exist in
Peruvian society. It was not only the seasonal and migratory
work that created the social gap between immigrant groups,
it was also their living conditions. Hence Irish immigration
was a heterogeneous social phenomenon that reproduced the
same social hierarchy that existed in Peru. Irish immigrants
were both victims of the socio-economic systems of both
countries (homeland and recipient country) as well as heroic
actors in constructing their own destinies. To conclude, in
spite of the small number of Irish immigrants, they played
an important role in Peruvian life, because their
integration into the different sections of society helped
construct present-day Peru. In the words of Michel Foucault,
‘the search for origin is not fixed; on the contrary, that
which seemed fixed, moves, and that which was thought to be
unified, divides’ (Foucault 2000:29). Following this line of
thought, it is the hope of this study to encourage wider
studies that may serve to construct a greater understanding
of the Irish influence in Peru.
This was made possible by a grant from the Society
for Irish Latin American Studies (SILAS). The grant
allowed me to travel to Peru and commence my research in
Lima. I also wish to thank Frank Boyle Alvarado, Admiral
of the Navy of Perú, for the valuable information he
offered me from his own personal archives. I am grateful
also to Cecilia Toso Stagi and Patricia Woll for sharing
their ideas and knowledge of Irish immigration with me.
Although Thomas Hutchinson
(1820-1885) cannot be termed an Irish immigrant, his
presence in Peru should be noted. This diplomat,
doctor and writer was the English Consul at Callao
(1870-1872). In his book Two Years in Peru
(published in London in 1873) he offered a
controversial perspective on Spain’s empire in the
Americas. Hutchinson’s polemic provoked a critical
response by the Spanish admiral Miguel Lobo y
Malagamba. In his book Un hijo de Inglaterra a
quien le ha dado por viajar en las regiones
americanas que fueron de España y por escribir
sendos dislates sobre ellas y sus antiguos
dominadores he launched a fierce critique of
Hutchinson’s position. For further details see the
article by Edmundo Murray Sr. Hutchsinson, otra
vez, no dice V. nonsenses, no tonterías: A Bigoted
Response to Thomas J. Hutchinson’s Two Years in Peru
Domingo F. Sarmiento became Argentinean president in 1868,
and he strived to establish the country’s progress
foundations. For Sarmiento, the North American anglo-saxon
colonization was the model to follow. However, his project
had a racist and positivist ideology. While indigenous were
killed, European immigrants were receiving incentives to
settle in Argentina.
is also worth mentioning Isaías Fermín Fitzcarrald López
(1862-1897, who later changed his name to Carlos Fermín
Fitzcarrald López), son of Esmeralda López and William
Fitzgerald, United States Navy captain, of Irish or Scottish
origin. According to Ernesto Reyna, Fitzcarrald became known
as the ‘king of rubber’ of the Amazon.
In the statistical charts of European immigrants presented
by Giovani Bonfilio V. we can see that in 1857 German
immigrants constituted the main group of immigrants (4,472)
followed by Italians (3,469) and the French (2,639). It is
worth noting that in the thirteen charts presented, only in
Chart No. 10 ‘Europeans residing in Peru 1876, by
nationality and sex’ do the Irish appear. Of a total of
18,078 immigrants, there are only 28 Irish men registered
and 6 Irish women.
Some weddings required interpreters
to translate, showing that in many cases the
immigrants had not learned to speak Spanish.
Therefore, cultural integration had yet to be
Unlike its neighbor countries (Chile and Argentina)
Peru did not experience a massive European
immigration because of a lack of incentives as well
as of a national immigration policy.
This period also coincided with the discovery of
gold in Summerhill Creek near the city of Bathurst,
Australia, hence the possibility of making one’s
fortune was a factor in the journey to Australia.
For a more detailed biographical study of W.R.
grace, see the works of Lawrence Clayton, Grace:
W.R. Grace and Co., The Formative Years, 1850-1930
and James Marquis, Merchant
Adventurer: The Story of W.R. Grace.
It is important to point out that James Grace
(father of William Russell Grace), showed concern
for the well-being of his workers. He proposed to
the Board of Works in Ireland that Irish workers be
employed to construct a road through the Grace
properties. He subsequently facilitated immigration
in an effort to aid Irish people to escape from the
Boyle Alvarado archives are not clear as to whether Donohue
O’Kelly was born in New Brunswick Canada, in the USA, or in
Ireland. It is clear that he was son of Cornelius Donohue
and Mary O’Lelly, both born in Connaught, Ireland.
-Personal archives of Frank Boyle
Alvarado: birth, marriage and death certificates.
Copies of correspondence.
-‘Relación de irlandeses
fallecidos.’ Asociación del Cementerio
Británico del Callao, enero 2009.
Lima. 27 de agosto, 1859. Colonos.
-Personal interview of Frank Boyle
Alvarado. January 2009.
-Balibar, Etienne e Immanuel
Wallerstein, Race, nation, class: ambiguous
identities (London; New York: Verso, 1991).
-Bonfiglio Volpe, Giovanni,
‘Introducción al estudio de la inmigración europea
en el Perú’
Primer seminario sobre
poblaciones inmigrantes. Tomo I, mayo 9-10 1986
(Lima: Concytec, 1987).
Grace: W.R. Grace & Co., The
formative years, 1850-1930
(Ottawa: Jameson Books, 1985).
-‘Dictionary of Irish Latin American
Biography’, Society for
Irish Latin American Studies.
Available online. <http//:www.irlandeses.org>,
10 de mayo, 2010.
Nietzsche, la genealogía, la historia.
trad. José Vásquez Pérez (Valencia, España:
-Hollett, David, More precious
than gold (Madison; Teaneck: Fairleigh Dickinson
University Press, 2008).
-Larrabure y Correa, Carlos,
Colonización de la costa peruana
por medio de la inmigración
Doctoral thesis. (Lima: Librería
Escolar e Imprenta de E. Moreno, 1900).
-Marquis, James, Merchant
adventurer: the story of W.R. Grace (Wilmington:
SR Books, 1993).
Sr. Hutchinson, otra vez, no dice V.
nonsenses, no tonterrías: A Bigoted
Response to Thomas J.
Hutchinson’s Two Years in Peru (1873).
11 de mayo, 2010.
-‘Primer Presidente.’ Cámara de
Comercio y Producción de Piura. Available
17 de mayo, 2010.
Carlos F. Fitzcarrald, ‘El rey del
caucho’ Contribución al centenario del
descubrimiento del Río Amazonas por
españoles – año amazónico
(Lima: Taller Gráfico de P. Barrantes C., 1942).
-Sacchetti, Alfredo (corresponsal de
la Sociedad Geográfica de Lima y de la Sociedad
De Agricultura del Perú,
Inmigrantes para el Perú (Lima; Turin:
Tipografía Salesiana, 1904).
-Salazar, Eduardo. ‘Inmigración
irlandesa en el Perú: Grace y O’Higgins.’
Inmigración en el
en el Perú.’
en el Siglo XIX.
Available on line.
17 de mayo, 2010.