1822 and 1945, about 30,000 Irish people migrated to Argentina.
While the majority settled in the rural provinces, a small
community gradually developed in Buenos Aires. Predominately
Catholic, this urban group rejected assimilation and established
an autonomous, insular community until the late 1870s.
This article argues that as the Irish Catholic community
began to participate in Argentine social and political
affairs, they increasingly identified with their host
society instead of Ireland. It also considers the origins
of their Argentine nationalism and explains the motives
for their integration into porteño (Buenos Aires)
society. Methodologically, contemporary foreign language
newspapers are analysed to gauge the degree to which the
Irish-Argentine Catholics integrated between 1906 and
1881 and 1914, 4,200,000 Europeans immigrated to Argentina.
More than half of those migrants were Italian, and another
quarter were Spanish (Devoto 2003: 247). Both groups settled
predominately in the Federal Capital of Buenos Aires,
where they exerted an overwhelming social, cultural, and
political influence. As a result of their numerical preponderance
and notoriety, both groups have rightly provided a cynosure
for recent scholarly inquiry (2).
dozens of other ethnic groups contributed to the metamorphosis
that transformed Buenos Aires in the aforementioned period;
in many cases, their stories have been overlooked (3).
While such communities were less significant than their
better-known contemporaries from a numerical standpoint,
each had a constitutive role in the production of the
composite porteño culture that emerged. This
article will isolate one such group, the Irish, with the
intention of understanding how and why such a traditionally
insular and self-contained community finally decided to
integrate into the amorphous urban sphere around them
in the late nineteenth century.
examining two English-language, Irish Catholic newspapers
in Buenos Aires from 1906-1913, it will be possible to
gauge the degree to which the community embraced an Argentine
identity by that period. It will be argued that, while
the Irish maintained a rigid programme of isolation throughout
the peak period of their immigration to Argentina from
1820-1879, several factors undermined this strategy in
the decades that followed. Without the continued flow
of new migrants, the community gradually lost its singular
sense of Irishness, as the majority of its members were
increasingly born in Argentina. As the influx of Irish
immigrants to Argentina dwindled, the cultural bridge
between community and homeland weakened. Also, Father
Anthony Fahy, the charismatic leader of the Irish-Argentine
community who had initially implemented the plan of isolation,
died in 1871, and a capable successor did not emerge in
his wake. In his place, new institutions surfaced that
favoured greater participation in Argentine affairs.
yet, we know relatively little about the Irish community
in the city of Buenos Aires after the 1890s. The classic
studies of the community conclude before 1900, when immigration
had effectively ended (4).
This study will begin to address this lacuna. In terms
of Irish diasporic studies, it may be located within the
burgeoning historiography on collective identity and assimilation
Hiberno-Argentine Review and Fianna
Hiberno-Argentine Review was a Catholic weekly published
from 1906-1924 and then from 1924-1935 as The Argentine
Review. Though produced in Buenos Aires with an emphasis
on local affairs, the periodical regularly noted the social
and economic condition of provincial irlandeses.
Letters of correspondence were published frequently from
the provinces, indicating that its readership extended
beyond the city of Buenos Aires.
from the compulsory front-page news and editorials, the
typical issue of the Hiberno-Argentine Review
followed a similar format. There was a strong interest
in both cultural and historical Irish traditions. A typical
issue included Irish jokes and folklore, traditional Irish
recipes, memorable historical episodes, letters from correspondents
in Dublin or Cork, the latest news regarding Ireland’s
struggle for self-rule against Great Britain, or a note
about the state of Catholicism in Europe.
was another Catholic periodical produced for the Irish
community in Buenos Aires that was published intermittently
from 1910-1913. Irish folk tales and historical narratives
dotted each copy, as did stories about the history of
the Irish in Argentina and their contribution to national
development. Editor Patrick McManus was a particularly
vocal opponent of imperialism and regularly criticised
British manoeuvres throughout the world.
themes that resonated throughout the pages of Fianna
were analogous to those of The Hiberno-Argentine Review.
Frequent reports of Argentine political and social issues
were included that readers were encouraged to debate.
also was a strong interest in Irish landmarks in each
issue. Typically, a photo of the Irish Parliament building,
St. Patrick’s Cathedral, Donegal Castle, or another historical
site was included, along with a brief narration of its
importance. Since the majority of the readership had never
been to Ireland, these inclusions were less nostalgic
and more instructional in purpose.
an undeviating preoccupation with Ireland, this article
will demonstrate that both periodicals were concerned
primarily with life in Buenos Aires by the early twentieth
century. First, an overview of the Irish presence in Argentina
until that period is practical.
Irish in Argentina, 1520-1905
first Irishmen to set foot on the shores of the Río de
la Plata were likely to have been three men from Galway
who accompanied Fernão de Magalhães (Ferdinand Magellan)
during his famous voyage to the Southern Cone in 1520.
Very few followed until 1785, when more than one hundred
Irish butchers and tanners were recruited to Buenos Aires
to establish an export sector based on trading hides and
tallow to Europe and jerked beef to Brazil and Cuba. Most
of these men were unmarried Catholics who quickly assimilated
into the local community. Until the turn of the nineteenth
century, Irish migration to Argentina was spasmodic and
numerically marginal. There were no Irish communities,
and none of the migrants came to form the core of future
Irish migratory settlements (McKenna 1992: 66-67).
the failed British invasions of Buenos Aires in 1806 and
1807, many British merchants realised the export potential
of the River Plate and became the most influential foreign
group in the region the following decade (Scobie 1971:
100). Several deserters and captives from the British
forces were Irish conscripts who remained in Buenos Aires
to construct stone quays for the emerging port. Other
groups moved to the hinterland to become small farmers
and continued to maintain ties with the British merchants
in Buenos Aires (McKenna 1992: 69).
Argentina’s subsequent war of independence against Spain
(1810-1820), several Irishmen joined the ranks of the
rebel garrison, lured by the promise of income, quick
promotion and adventure (Graham-Yooll 1981: 87). After
the war ended, a prominent flow of migrants began arriving
from Ireland and settling in the Pampas, where land and
cattle were abundant.
small pockets of Irish people emerged in Buenos Aires
during the 1820s, their population likely did not reach
the several hundreds until the 1840s, during the potato
famine in Ireland. Despite objections from Governor Juan
Manuel de Rosas to both European immigration and British
incursions during his Anglo-French blockade, Irish immigration
persisted in the 1840s due to the efforts of Father Anthony
Fahy. His protests against Rosas’ position led to official
enquiries and, later, to permission for Irish immigration.
acted as a father figure and leader to the Irish, to whom
he gave financial advice and for whom he arranged marriages
to preserve ethnic and cultural homogeneity. He strove
to maintain a self-reliant, insular Irish community free
from vice and assimilation into an unfamiliar foreign
culture. New settlers were met at the docks when they
disembarked and were assigned rooms in approved Irish
boarding houses. Men were typically placed in either meat-salting
plants or cattle estancias, while women were
often paired with an Irish partner for marriage. The policy
of isolation and non-assimilation proved to be highly
successful as the Irish Catholics developed into a self-reliant
community in Buenos Aires by the mid-nineteenth century
(Bishop 1999: 149). Still, it appears that this strategy
was not predicated on ethnic bigotry and intolerance,
but rather was rooted in a devout sectarianism that preferred
English Catholic traditions to the perceived secularism
of Buenos Aires.
the decades following Fahy’s death in 1871, religious
leaders and community institutions struggled to sustain
his programme. The Irish Hospital, St. Patrick’s Society
and the Irish Ladies Beneficent Society were capable institutions
plagued by mismanagement and infighting.
the national climate of optimism and fiscal growth, there
were signs by the late 1870s that the Irish-Argentine
community was gradually eschewing Fahy’s separatism in
favour of greater participation in Argentine affairs.
In 1879, the General Brown Club was founded to campaign
for a greater Irish voice in Congress. In subsequent decades,
several Irish politicians rose to electoral prominence
with a platform that encouraged continued immigration
and the moral and spiritual elevation of the ‘paisano’
(Korol and Sábato 1981: 147-51).
factors also undermined the traditional bonds that had
held the Irish community together. The liberal intellectual
climate of Argentina in the 1870s aroused a popular feeling
of anticlericalism that led to the termination of the
Jesuit College in 1875. The Irish Sisters of Mercy likewise
came under public fire and left the country for over a
decade (Graham-Yooll 1981: 159-60). Also, the 1870s marked
the last phase of considerable Irish emigration to Argentina
until the 1920s, thereby lessening the relative presence
of Irish-born individuals and eroding the intimate affiliation
between Irish-Argentines and Ireland.
the short-term, however, it may have been the unprecedented
growth of the Argentine-born cohort that weakened the
community’s ties to its homeland. The census of 1895 registers
16,284 individuals of Irish descent in the province of
Buenos Aires, yet only 4,693 had been born in Ireland.
By comparison, there had been 8,623 individuals of Irish
descent in the province in 1869, and the majority – some
5,246 – were born in Ireland. It is noted that over that
twenty-six year span, the number of Irish-born individuals
was relatively constant, though the total number of the
Irish community in the province doubled. Furthermore,
in 1895, only 2,852 individuals of Irish descent lived
in the city of Buenos Aires - comprising less than 1 per
cent of the population – and a mere 915 of those had been
born in Ireland (Coghlan 1982: 18-22).
and Morality: Irish Catholics in Buenos Aires, 1906-1913
the turn of the twentieth century, The Hiberno-Argentine
Review and Fianna were two of the most widely-read
periodicals within the Irish Catholic community. Both
emphasised moral restraint, hard work, and an intense
sense of community fellowship and collective purpose.
However, while these qualities were traditional pillars
of Father Fahy’s inward-looking programme, they were no
longer accompanied by a rejection of Argentine culture
and stoicism towards local affairs. Increasingly, both
periodicals conveyed a strategy of integration that simultaneously
stressed both the retention of Irish values and participation
in the political, social and cultural affairs of Buenos
1906 until 1913, both The Hiberno-Argentine Review
and Fianna sustained an interest in national
politics, the activities of radical strikers and unions,
the education system, the military, export prices, the
monthly inflow of immigrants to Buenos Aires, Argentine
diplomacy, urban crime and political corruption. In an
illustrative editorial written in 1910, an anonymous author
in Fianna denounced an epidemic of fraud that
had been plaguing national elections. The writer implored
the community to avoid bribes and place honest votes,
stating that ‘the vote of an Irish-Argentine (should)
be always considered a guarantee of political good faith’
(Fianna 9 July 1910: 26-27). Another editorial
published in The Hiberno-Argentine Review criticised
the lawless nature of the interior provinces and argued
for an increased police presence to prevent theft and
murder. The writer contended that if development and migration
to the interior were to continue, the stability and security
of the region would have to be demonstrated.
newspapers also published fascinating moral critiques
of Argentine society. If Irish Catholics were to participate
more actively in the affairs of the nation, they seemed
to prefer to do so in an environment liberated from the
vice that Father Fahy had feared decades earlier. A pillar
of his segregationist strategy was the perceived moral
superiority of the Irish community and the fear that assimilation
would damage their honourable character. One such critique
was published in the weekly ‘News and Views’ section of
The Hiberno-Argentine Review on 27 November 1908.
It noted that in the preceding twelve months the residents
of the city of Buenos Aires had spent one hundred million
dollars gambling at the racetrack and lottery, a fact
that could not ‘be regarded as favourable to the character
and status of the capital’ (HAR 27 November 1908: 6).
A comparable editorial was published in The Hiberno-Argentine
Review that criticised the legal sale of erotic novels
(HAR 20 November 1908: 5).
this vigilant attentiveness to national affairs and local
customs, both papers exhibited a passionate sense of Argentine
nationalism that was perversely underpinned by Argentina’s
historical struggle against Great Britain, a fact that
engendered a common bond between the Irish and their host
society. Between 1906 and 1913, the Irish were nearing
the apogee of their struggle with Great Britain for home
rule, which ultimately lasted from 1801 to 1922. In Argentina,
the Irish Catholic community found inspiration in the
historical tales of the failed British invasions of 1806
and 1807 (HAR 1 October 1909: 34). One reader condemning
British imperialism throughout the world mockingly alluded
to 1806 when ‘the combined Spanish and Argentine forces
drove back to the sea the bastards that came to rob Argentina
and establish their yoke in this free land’ (Fianna
7 April 1911: 57-58). A tourist from Dublin provided an
account of his visit to the San Domingo Church in Buenos
Aires, where captured British flags from the failed invasion
were kept. Apparently choosing his words carefully to
avoid smugness, the writer referred to the ‘remarkable
series of reverses those four British flags…commemorate’
(HAR 21 December 1906: 7).
story published in Fianna in 1910 reported that the British
were set to return the Falkland/Malvinas Islands ‘to the
rightful owner the Argentine nation’ to commemorate the
centennial celebration of Argentine independence (Fianna
17 March 1910) (6).
Another from 1913 ridiculed British entrepreneurs for
exploiting the Putumayo indigenous people in the provinces,
pointing out that Irish estancieros in Gran Chaco treated
the Putumayo with dignity and kindness (Fianna
July 1913). In these instances, the Irish merged their
enmity towards Great Britain with specific episodes from
Argentina’s national history, thereby claiming a degree
of shared intransigence towards the nation. In Argentina,
the Irish not only saw a progressive democracy open to
immigration and brimming with economic potential, but
also one that had historically rejected the imperialistic
advances of their perpetual adversary.
sense of pride in the Argentine nation was ubiquitous
in both newspapers throughout the period and was consistently
manifested through stories extolling the contributions
of the Irish to national development and frequent passages
recounting important historical episodes and Irish-Argentine
heroes. An emblematic obituary published in 1907 for Thomas
McGuire recounted his experiences as one of the original
settlers during the great migration of the 1840s. The
piece celebrated his pioneering spirit in the Pampas,
where ‘he plodded along with an unbroken confidence in
the future of his adopted land.’ The contribution of these
Irish settlers also surfaced in the column when its writer
commented that ‘the trackless prairies of the Pampa were
changed into well ordered estancias provided with all
the appanages (sic) of modern progress.’ Although McGuire
was celebrated for his economic success and commitment
to encouraging development and immigration in the countryside,
‘he never forgot the dear old land beyond the seas’ (HAR
8 February 1907: 13-14).
similar obituary from 1905 praised the pioneer Eugene
Cronin for struggling ‘under a semi-tropical sun to form
the base of a modest fortune’. Another from 1907 commented
that ‘Frank Rauth was a typical Irishman in every sense
of the word. A staunch and practical Catholic, he never
belied the creed of his ancestors…and was an ardent lover
of the cherished land that gave him birth.’ The piece
concluded with a proud eulogy to other fallen forbearers,
hopeful that ‘generations of Hiberno-Argentines yet unborn,
will recall with pride and veneration the memory of those
grand old pioneers of our race in the River Plate…They
are leaving us; but the bright example of their many remains’
(HAR 8 March 1907: 15-16).
tributes appeared almost weekly in both papers and consistently
reinforced several themes. First was a pioneering spirit
among the early immigrants who arduously struggled against
all odds to survive in a foreign land. There also was
a recurring feeling that the success of the Pampas as
an agricultural basin after 1850 was due in large part
to the efforts of the Irish, who embraced their adopted
homeland and contributed to its growth as a republic.
Furthermore, most obituaries noted the moral character
of the deceased and their commitment to Catholic values.
Finally, nearly every tribute noted that the departed
never left the memory of Ireland behind.
Irish Catholics also exhibited an exceptional fascination
with former Argentine President Bartolomé Mitre (1821-1906).
Occasional mini-biographies were published in both papers
that described his promotion of immigration and recognition
of the Irish contribution to the Argentine economy. The
same year of his death, the Irish community in the County
of San Andrés de Giles, a subdivision of Buenos Aires,
erected a monument in his honour in a public square. A
spectator commented in The Hiberno-Argentine Review
that both the Irish and Argentine flags were flown during
the procession, which included a visit from members of
the Mitre family. The correspondent wrote that the monument
‘reflects credit on the worthy citizens of Giles who wish
to perpetuate the memory of the deceased patriot’ (HAR
4 January 1907: 7).
years later, Fianna republished a piece Mitre
had written in 1873 celebrating the Irish contribution
to national development (Fianna July 1913: 157).
One passage is remarkably similar to the tenor of dozens
of columns printed in both papers between 1906 and 1913
and is emblematic of the collective purpose the Irish
community had gradually embraced after the mid-1870s:
descendants of those clans, confirmed in the Christian
faith by the teachings of the Celtic Paul, have come
to our shores, and hung up their native harps to accompany
the Melodies of their countryman, Thomas Moore, not
as slaves who weep for their expatriation to the shores
of the Babylonian river, but as free men and voluntary
exiles who have found a new country where labour is
productive, and where their children are born and grow
up under the aegis of hospitable institutions.
echoed the same themes of the obituaries and tributes
to deceased Irish-Argentines, noting the selfless sacrifice
and contribution of Irishmen to Argentine development.
He also defended the Irish-Argentine goal of having their
sons elected in the provincial chambers in the same letter:
the popular vote, the native-born son of an Irishman,
there to represent, as an Argentine, the interests of
the Irish community and the two noble races destined
to ‘increase and multiply’ under the auspices of Liberty,
Labor, and Prosperity.
critical points are made in Mitre’s proclamation. The
first is the idea that the Irish would retain a level
of autonomy while still participating in Argentine institutions,
a point that foreshadows a ubiquitous theme in both newspapers.
The second is that the protagonist of Mitre’s vision is
the native-born son of an Irishman. Fahy’s generation
had identified primarily with Ireland because it was overwhelmingly
their place of birth, and the site of their formative
years. They could not forget Ireland because it had given
them their identity. The majority of Mitre’s ‘Irish’ had
likely never been to Ireland, and never would. In the
mid-1870s, the percentage of Irish-born Argentines was
decreasing; by 1895, only 32 per cent of the Irish community
in the city of Buenos Aires had been born in Ireland (Coghlan
1982: 18-22). Thus, while the community retained a sense
of pride in their customs and native history, they were
less committed to ethnic segregation because they identified
more with their own nation of birth.
Sinn Féin Debate and Irish Catholic Integration
most illuminating example of Irish Catholic integration
in the early twentieth century was a public debate that
engrossed the community throughout 1908, creating a flashpoint
that helped codify the objectives and collective identity
of the group. At issue was the establishment of a branch
of the Sinn Féin political movement in Buenos Aires in
late 1907. Founded first in 1905 by Dubliner Arthur Griffith
(1871-1922), the movement was a hyper-nationalist, anti-imperialist
crusade that campaigned for Irish self-rule (Coogan 2002:
Irishmen in Buenos Aires attempted to found a local branch
of the movement and held initial meetings beginning in
late 1907. The episode quickly became an ebullition for
the Catholic community, who used the event to work out
conflicted feelings of nationalism. The debate materialised
in The Hiberno-Argentine Review, which typically
provided a forum to resolve similar intra-communal disputes.
The issue at hand was clear: should the community support
the movement in a show of solidarity with its homeland,
or were local affairs of paramount importance?
Irish-Argentines were willing to support Irish industries,
political ideals, and political activists, but contended
that their primary loyalty should align with their adopted
home. Others were pleased that an organisation interested
in their homeland had been founded. Though The Hiberno-Argentine
Review observed that Sinn Féin meetings were ‘fiascos’
lacking organisation and vision, they stated that ‘as
a matter of notorious fact we are warm supporters of Sinn
Fein…It is on the contrary, a real practical economic
force, making for sound, sensible end…In this we are,
and always have been, hand in glove with Sinn Fein’ (HAR
24 January 1908: 5-6).
most outspoken critic of the movement was a reader who
used the pseudonym ‘Irish-Porteño,’ and his comments typified
the dispassion for Irish politics that many Irish-Argentine
Catholics felt. In one of his most biting letters, he
defined ‘Irish-Argentines’ to be only those of Irish descent
born in Argentina, not Ireland, and contended that this
group had ‘no desire to dabble in Irish politics, and
that they do not, consequently, wish to become Sinn Feiners.’
His diatribe continued:
he a patriot, who, in his own native soil, publicly
proclaims himself an adherent of a foreign political
organization? I’m an Argentine, and foreign politics
do not interest me – hence I am not in a position to
laud or condemn it…But even if I were certain that it
were the best policy for Ireland and that it would ultimately
bring about her freedom, I would not, even then consider
myself under any obligation to join it. And why? Solely
and simply because I am an Argentine and consider that
as such I am bound to Argentina, and should lend my
services – small and insignificant as they may be –
to her political and social amelioration…Now, why should
we be expected to give out pecuniary assistance to a
foreign political organization when here in Argentina
there are hundreds upon hundreds of children of Irish
origin growing up without any education, and in many
instances, crying to heaven for the very necessaries
of life (HAR 10 January 1908: 14-15)?
it is difficult to determine whether or not this position
was shared by others in the community, certain clues emerge
from these letters that indicate that rejection of the
Sinn Féin movement was commonplace. For example, another
letter from 10 January 1908 reiterated the same viewpoint:
may safely say, without exaggeration, I know the Irish-Argentines,
my countrymen, well, and that I am in tune with their
thoughts and feelings, their likes and dislikes, and
therefore I assert…that they, as a body…have no sympathy
with the Sinn Fein, or any other new fangled fandangle
imported here (HAR 10 January 1908: 16).
‘Criollo’ argued that ‘if our Irish friends consider it
their duty to support the Sinn Fein scheme with us the
case is very different. We too have a nation and a race
to uplift and to save’ (HAR 24 January 1908:
14). Argentine-born individuals of Irish descent seemed
willing to support Ireland in spirit and purpose but preferred
to concern themselves primarily with problems in Argentina.
Poverty and political representation were more pressing
concerns for a group far less connected to Ireland than
previous generations had been. The same ‘Irish-Porteño’
who had articulated the most derisive assault on the movement
submitted another letter on 31 January 1908. Like the
anonymous writer who claimed to speak for the entire Irish-Argentine
community, ‘Irish-Porteño’ alleged that he was in tune
with the sentiments of his fellows:
come in contact with my fellow countrymen during many
years in mostly every Irish-Argentine centre I was in
a position to know their sentiments and feelings, and
I accordingly asserted that they were not interested
in Irish party politics, much less anxious to become
adherents to a movement…I furthermore maintained – as
I do still – that we could not, as true Argentines,
join an organization that was both foreign and political.
That my views have been sanctioned by the Irish-Argentine
community is amply proved by the fact that not a single
Irish-Argentine…has objected to them. On the contrary
my views have been ably defended and upheld by several
Irish-Argentines…I objected to Sinn Fein on the ground
that as an Argentine it would be wrong for me to adhere
to it as it would clearly demonstrate that I was devoid
of love and patriotism towards the land that gave me
birth (HAR 31 January 1908: 15-16).
reader identified as ‘Porteño’ made a similar
argument. Again, speaking on behalf of the broader community,
he stated that ‘we, Porteños, don’t understand
Sinn Fein, and don’t want to either…We, or most of us,
would like to see Old Ireland get her rights, (though)
if we do our duty I guess we have enough to do to look
after our own country’s affairs’ (HAR 20 November
Each of these letters adds to our understanding of Irish-Argentine
feelings towards integration by the early twentieth-century.
As evidence has demonstrated, the community of Irish-Argentine
Catholics were interested in the social and political
affairs of Argentina and increasingly identified with
that nation over the country of their ancestors. While
both The Hiberno-Argentine Review and Fianna
demonstrated a strong affinity for Irish history and culture,
the editors, writers, and readers expressed a stronger
loyalty to the social concerns of their adopted home of
Argentina, which by the twentieth-century was in fact
the place of birth of roughly 70 per cent of the Irish
community in Buenos Aires. The group was much likelier
to be interested in addressing issues of poverty, child
welfare and the promotion of increased immigration as
a political policy than supporting the movement for self-rule
the group continued to speak English, preserve community
institutions and practice endogamy by the early twentieth
century, they identified primarily with Argentina and
displayed an exceptional interest in local affairs. Accordingly,
this article has suggested that the group was engaged
in the process of ‘integration’ between 1906 and 1913.
process began after the death of Father Fahy, the influential
and passionate leader of the community who had promoted
its segregation for so long, and likely continued into
the 1930s and 1940s. Tellingly, the name of The Hiberno-Argentine
Review was permanently changed to The Argentine
Review in 1924, a move that signalled the process
of integration to be well underway.
author would like to thank Susan Socolow, Jeffrey Lesser,
Edmundo Murray and Carson Lange for their insightful comments
and criticism, and Gayle Williams for her tireless pursuit
of primary sources.
Brad Lange is a graduate student at Emory University in
Atlanta, Georgia (United States of America). He is interested
in the social and cultural history of immigrant groups
throughout the Southern Cone.
The most well-known studies are Jose Moya, Cousins and
Strangers: Spanish Immigrants in Buenos Aires, 1850-1930,
and Fernando Devoto and Gianfausto Rosoli, La
Italiana en la Argentina.
This is not to say that all minority groups have been
neglected by historians. Classic studies include Narciso
Binayán, La Colectividad Armenia en la Argentina; Liliana
Cazorla, La Inmigración Sirio y Libanesa en la Provincia
de Buenos Aires: A Través de sus Instituciones Étnicas;
Ronald C. Newton, German Buenos Aires, 1900-1933: Social
Change and Cultural Crisis; and James Lawrence Tigner,
‘The Ryukyuans in Argentina.’
See, for example, Patrick McKenna, ‘Irish Migration to
Argentina,’ Korol and Sabato, Cómo Fue la Inmigración
Irlandesa en Argentina; Coghlan, El Aporte de los Irlandeses
a la Formación de la Nación Argentina; Graham-Yooll,
Forgotten Colony; and Thomas Murray, The Story of the
Irish in Argentina.
See, for example, Andy Bielenberg (ed.), The Irish Diaspora;
Charles Fanning (ed.), New Perspectives on the Irish Diaspora;
and Arthur Gribben (ed.), The Great Famine and the Irish
Diaspora in America.
It appears that this event never transpired.
Baily, Samuel L., ‘The Role of Two Newspapers in the Assimilation
of Italians in Buenos Aires and São Paulo, 1893-1913,’
International Migration Review 12:3: 321-40 (1978).
Bielenberg, Andy (ed.), The Irish Diaspora (New
York: Longman, 2000).
Binayán, Narciso, La Colectividad Armenia en la Argentina
(Buenos Aires: Alzamor Editores, 1974).
Bishop, Patrick, The Irish Empire (New York:
St. Martin’s Press, 1999).
Cazorla, Liliana, La Inmigración Siria y Libanesa
en la Provincia de Buenos Aires: A Través de sus
Instituciones Étnicas (Buenos Aires: Fundación
Los Cedros, 1995).
Coghlan, El Aporte de los Irlandeses a la Formación
de la Nación Argentina (Buenos Aires: El Vuelo de
Coogan, Tim Pat, The IRA (New York: Palgrave
Devoto, Fernando J, Historia de la Inmigración en
la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana,
Devoto, Fernando J, and Gianfausto Rosoli, La Inmigración
Italiana en la Argentina (Buenos Aires: Editorial
Fanning, Charles (ed.), New Perspectives on the Irish
Diaspora (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University
Fianna (1910-1913) [Buenos Aires: Latin American
Microfilm Project, 1996].
Graham-Yooll, Andrew, The Forgotten Colony: A History
of English-Speaking Communities in Argentina (London:
Gribben, Arthur (ed.), The Great Famine and the Irish
Diaspora in America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
The Hiberno-Argentine Review (1906-1910), quoted
as HAR [Buenos Aires: Latin American Microfilm Project,
Korol, Juan Carlos, and Hilda Sabato, Comó Fue la
Inmigración Irlandesa en Argentina (Buenos Aires:
Plus Ultra, 1981).
McKenna, Patrick, ‘Irish Migration to Argentina’ in O’Sullivan,
Patrick (ed.) The Irish World Wide: History, Heritage,
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